By Barak Mendelsohn
Although terrorism is an age-old phenomenon, jihadist ideology is detailed in its ambition to overthrow the fashionable nation method, abandon the main of kingdom sovereignty, and ruin the rules of worldwide order. Barak Mendelsohn argues an important aspect in responding to this type of possibility and successful the warfare opposed to terror within the twenty-first century is the hegemon—a strong nation that takes the lead and generates cooperation between states to struggle jihad.
While such a lot analyses of hegemony have interested in strength, Mendelsohn firmly grounds the phenomenon in an internet of shared norms and principles that either permit and constrain the hegemon’s freedom of motion. He examines how the presence of a hegemonic country impacts foreign cooperation, defense, and foreign relations—revealing, for instance, why the U.S. has chanced on larger cooperation for the struggle in Afghanistan than for the warfare in Iraq. Tracing and explaining the various degrees of cooperation that exist for suppressing terrorism financing, for fighting non-state actors from acquiring guns of mass destruction, and for delivering army aid to U.S. hegemony, Combating Jihadism offers a nuanced figuring out of the interplay among norms and power.
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Extra info for Combating Jihadism: American Hegemony and Interstate Cooperation in the War on Terrorism
Damage to critical infrastructure in an electricity-dependent society could prevent states from providing services. If states cannot meet their obligations to the people, and if the people lose confidence in the institution of the state, the whole system is threatened. Lesser types of terrorism may also erode the fabric of the international society. The fear produced by repeated attacks on key targets such as public transportation (especially suicide attacks in subway stations) or critical infrastructure facilities (for example, power grids or nuclear reactors) could lead to the erosion of order and of trust in government.
While states may define their interests on the foundation of the order the hegemon promotes, such a formulation does not entirely equate the interests of the hegemon with those of the international society and all its members. If that were the case, we would see significantly less conflict in the system, and the hegemon would be able to perpetuate its dominance more easily. Moreover, recognition of the hegemon’s legitimate position does not guarantee immediate and unconditional compliance with all the policies it articulates.
The emergence of a group of Arabs willing to go to Afghanistan to participate in jihad was itself an important development. 13 But technical and financial support was not enough; the war also had to be framed in religious terms and propagated as a religious duty. 14 It was Abdallah Azzam—a Palestinian theologian who left his job in Saudi Arabia shortly after the Soviet invasion, took a teaching position in Pakistan, and started inciting for a jihad—who constructed the religious legitimation for Arab participation and gave the war its needed religious and transnational dimension.