By Glenn M. Schwartz, John J. Nichols
Ranging extensively around the close to East, the Aegean, East Asia, Mesoamerica, and the Andes, those cross-cultural reviews extend our realizing of social evolution via analyzing how societies have been remodeled through the interval of radical swap now termed “collapse.” They search to find how societal complexity reemerged, how second-generation states shaped, and the way those re-emergent states resembled or differed from the advanced societies that preceded them.
The individuals draw on fabric tradition in addition to textual and ethnohistoric info to contemplate such elements as preexistent associations, constructions, and ideologies which are influential in regeneration; monetary and political resilience; the position of social mobility, marginal teams, and peripheries; and ethnic swap. as well as featuring a couple of theoretical viewpoints, the individuals additionally suggest explanation why regeneration occasionally doesn't ensue after cave in. A concluding contribution through Norman Yoffee offers a severe exegesis of “collapse” and highlights vital styles present in the case histories on the topic of peripheral areas and secondary elites, and to the ideology of statecraft.
After Collapse blazes new study trails in either archaeology and the research of social swap, demonstrating that the archaeological list usually deals extra clues to the “dark a long time” that precede regeneration than do text-based reports. It opens up a brand new window at the previous via transferring the point of interest clear of the increase and fall of old civilizations to their frequently extra telling fall and rise.
Bennet Bronson, Arlen F. Chase, Diane Z. Chase, Christina A. Conlee, Lisa Cooper, Timothy S. Hare, Alan L. Kolata, Marilyn A. Masson, Gordon F. McEwan, Ellen Morris, Ian Morris, Carlos Peraza Lope, Kenny Sims, Miriam T. Stark, Jill A. Weber, Norman Yoffee
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Additional info for After Collapse: The Regeneration of Complex Societies
Disruption of regional political structures and exchange networks, together with landscape degradation, precluded urbanism based on agricultural surpluses alone. In MB I, the diminished population of Umm el-Marra responded to this crisis by emphasizing and capitalizing on the equid-hunting and -processing economy observed in the preceding period. Exploitation of the products of the steppe formed the basis of Umm el-Marra’s animal economy, in contrast to the small fraction of the site’s late EB IV economy based on steppe exploitation.
We see, therefore, that the developments observed in the pottery assemblage of the northern Euphrates Valley demonstrate the same degree of change, whether by evolution or by transformation, that would characterize any ceramic tradition of a continuously occupied region over an extended period of time. A growing amount of archaeological data shows that the political configuration of settlements in the Euphrates Valley was quite similar before and after the period of collapse that separated the Early Bronze and Middle Bronze Age.
1997:2). Thus, for successful survival in this marginal environment, a diversified subsistence economy was necessary. Recent paleobotanical and faunal analyses confirm this assumption. In and around the site of Tell es-Sweyhat, for example, there is ample evidence for the herding of sheep and goats in the steppe behind the river valley, even during the floruit of Sweyhat’s urban phase in the twenty-second century 30 Lisa Cooper bc (Zettler et al. 1997:141). Moreover, the percentage of wild animal remains, particularly onager and gazelle, reaches a maximum when the population of the city is at its highest (Zettler et al.